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Posts Tagged ‘Trade’

I have a four-part video series on trade-related topics.

  • Part I focused on the irrelevance of trade balances.
  • Part II looked at specialization and comparative advantage.

Here’s Part III, which explains how trade (whether domestic or international) leads to creative destruction, which results in some painful short-run costs but also yields immense long-run benefits.

I recently argued that creative destruction is the best part and worst part of capitalism.

It’s bad if you’re a worker in a company that loses out (or if you’re an investor in that company). but it’s also what enables us to become more prosperous over time.

I’m not alone. Writing for CapX, Oliver Wiseman reviewed Capitalism in America, a new book by Alan Greenspan and Adrian Wooldridge. Here are some key observations.

…there was nothing predictable about America’s rise from colonial backwater to world-beating economy. …The fight for independence began a year before the publication of Adam Smith’s The Wealth of Nations; “the new country was conceived in a revolt against a mercantilist regime that believes a nation’s economic success was measured by the size of its stock of gold.” …The Constitution’s limits on the power of the majority set America apart from the rest of the world and “did far more than anything else to guarantee America’s future prosperity…” On top of this fortuitous start is the country’s “greatest comparative advantage”: its “talent for creative destruction”, the driving force of innovation, growth and prosperity that “disequilibriates every equilibrium and discombobulates every combobulation”. Americans realised that “destruction is more than an unfortunate side effect of creation. It is part and parcel of the same thing”. …The result is a system that has squeezed more productive energy out of its human capital than other countries, and generated unparalleled prosperity.

For those interested in economic history, Joseph Schumpeter gets most of the credit for developing the concept of creative destruction.

This Powerpoint slide is a nice summary of Schumpeter’s contribution (notwithstanding the fact that the person misspelled his name).

And here’s a Tweet showing that Schumpeter was under no illusions about the folly of socialism.

The bottom line is that creative destruction is what gives us churning, and churning is what dethrones rich and powerful incumbents. My friends on the left should be cheering for it.

Instead, they push for regulations and taxes that hinder creative destruction. And that means less long-run prosperity for all of us.

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Both Barack Obama and Hillary Clinton have said really foolish things, but Donald Trump may have set a new record for economic illiteracy with this tweet.

This tweet contains an astounding collection of inaccurate and offensive statements.

Here my corrective commentary.

I’ll briefly elaborate, starting at the top left and going clockwise.

The bottom line is that Trump is playing with fire. Indeed, what’s happening in financial markets is a very worrisome sign that he’s putting the economy at risk.

To be sure, I don’t think all of the volatility on Wall Street can be blamed on Trump’s protectionist policies and statement (the Federal Reserve should be blamed for creating a fragile market with easy-money policies). But a trade war could be the trigger that leads to the next recession.

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Three weeks ago, I shared a video about the economics of trade balances.

Here’s the next video in the Freedom Partner series, which looks at why trade (whether inside a nation or across borders) makes our lives better.

Simply stated, we would all be miserably poor if we couldn’t trade.

But when we can exchange with each other, we naturally begin to specialize in what we like and what we do best. Adam Smith referred to this as the “division of labour” and he noted that this enables much greater prosperity.

A related concept is comparative advantage, which is a way of illustrating how we become richer when trade enables us to focus on what we do best compared to others.

Alan Blinder summarized this concept in a column for the Wall Street Journal.

A snarky mathematician once challenged the great Paul Samuelson to name an economic proposition that is true but not obvious. Samuelson’s choice was comparative advantage, which shows, among other things, that there are mutual gains from trade even if one nation is better than another at producing everything. Here’s a homespun illustration. Suppose a surgeon is also a whiz at house painting—better than most professional painters. Should she therefore take time off from her medical practice to paint her own house? Certainly not. For while she may have a slight edge over most painters when it comes to painting walls, she has an enormous edge when it comes to performing surgery. Surgery is her comparative advantage, so she should specialize in it and let some others, who don’t know their way around an operating room, specialize in painting—their comparative advantage. That way, the whole economy becomes more efficient. The same principle applies to nations.

Some of Samuelson’s observations over a lengthy and influential career were not so great, but his analysis about comparative advantage was spot on.

This short clip from Matt Ridley also is a very good description of why we should trade and reap the benefits of comparative advantage.

Last but not least, here’s a video from FEE on why specialization gives us so many great things.

By the way, I cited a couple of studies in my video.

The one showing 2-percent to 5-percent faster growth was published by the International Monetary Fund last November. Here’s part of the abstract.

In the cross section of countries, there is a strong positive correlation between trade and income, and a negative relationship between trade and inequality. Does this reflect a causal relationship? We adopt the Frankel and Romer (1999) identification strategy, and exploit countries’ exogenous geographic characteristics to estimate the causal effect of trade on income and inequality. Our cross-country estimates for trade’s impact on real income are consistently positive and significant over time.

And here’s the best chart from the study.

It shows that pro-trade nations are both more rich (solid green line) and more equal (dashed green line).

The moral of the story is that protectionism generates undeserved riches for the friends of politicians while lowering the living standards of everyone else.

The other study is from the Peterson Institute for International Economics. Here are the key findings.

We use four very different methods to estimate past gains. Each of these methods entails its own set of assumptions. Estimated annual gains are on the order of $1 trillion. The estimated gain in 2003 income is in the range of $2,800 to $5,000 additional income for the average person and between $7,100 and $12,900 for the average household. Future gains are harder to quantify, not surprisingly since the future is always difficult to predict. The estimates range from $450 billion to $1.3 trillion.

And my favorite visual from the study shows the negative impact of 1930s-style trade taxes.

At the risk of understatement, repeating the policies of Herbert Hoover would be a very bad idea.

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Last month, I explained why trade deficits don’t matter.

I make the same point in this short video from Freedom Partners.

Near the end of the video, I pointed out that unfettered trade is good, whether with your neighbors or with people in other nations.

And I also mentioned trade with people in other states, which gives us a great opportunity to look at how free trade between American states developed and what it has meant for U.S. prosperity.

Writing for the Wall Street Journal, John Steele Gordon gives us a valuable history lesson on free trade inside America’s borders.

The Constitution requires free trade, the U.S. Supreme Court held in 1824. …The court ruled unanimously…that the power to regulate interstate commerce lay exclusively with the federal government and that states couldn’t impose impediments to that commerce in their parochial self-interest. The economic effect of the ruling was immediate. …Charles Warren, the great historian of the Supreme Court, called Gibbons v. Ogden “the emancipation proclamation of the American economy.” The case made the U.S. the world’s largest free market by flattening state-imposed barriers to “commerce,” a word the court had defined broadly to include trade and navigation. Within a half-century, the American economy rose to become the mightiest in the world, due in no small part to the precedent created by that decision. Free trade allows maximal use of “comparative advantage” to minimize the price of goods for everyone. The lower the prices, the higher the demand and thus the larger the economy.

Sadly, we have not always applied the lessons we learned to trade across our borders.

The Great Depression was a very painful example of what happens when protectionists are in charge.

With its own example of the power of free trade to produce wealth for everyone, one would think that the U.S. would have promoted it world-wide. But for most of the country’s history, Americans have been anything but free traders beyond their own borders. …In 1930, hoping to safeguard the American domestic market for U.S. producers in the looming Depression, Congress passed the Smoot-Hawley tariff, the highest in American history. Despite the pleas of more than 1,000 economists, President Herbert Hoover signed it into law. The results were catastrophic. With the U.S. erecting higher tariff walls to protect its internal market, other countries naturally did the same in a game of beggar-thy-neighbor. American exports fell from $5.241 billion in 1929 to $1.161 billion in 1932, a 78% decline. World trade in that period declined from $36 billion to $12 billion—less, adjusted for inflation, than it had been in 1896.

Fortunately, policy has moved in the right direction ever since World War II, with spectacularly positive results.

After World War II, …The U.S., having learned its lesson, moved to lower tariffs world-wide. In 1947, 23 nations signed the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade and began negotiations to lower tariffs, which then averaged 22%, as well as other barriers to trade. In a series of seven negotiations, …the average tariff had been lowered to only 5% by 1999. …The results of this long and often arduous process have been spectacular. World trade has increased exponentially. Merchandise trade amounted to about $58 billion in 1950. By the end of the century it was $5.4 trillion. Only 17 years later, merchandise trade had increased to $17 trillion. Trade in agricultural products and services has increased similarly. Even taking inflation into account, world trade since World War II has increased by a factor of about 30, making the whole world vastly more prosperous.

Last but not least, Gordon closes by pointing out that trade deficits are not a bad thing.

…there is the persistent though discredited belief that countries should strive to maintain a positive balance of trade, with more exports than imports. It is, of course, no more possible for all countries to have a positive balance of trade than it is for all people to be above average in height. Rapidly growing and maturing economies usually run foreign trade deficits, as the U.S. did throughout the 19th century while it grew into an economic superpower. The U.S. is again running large trade deficits, but those deficits are balanced by large capital inflows from foreign investors.

Amen. That’s the point of my video.

Especially the point about a trade deficit simply being the flip side of a capital surplus (now technically known as a financial surplus, but I’m sticking for now with the old terminology).

Let’s close by looking at the historical data on U.S. trade. Notice we had a trade deficit during much of the 1800s when we enjoyed very strong growth.

And also notice the miserable results during the 1930s.

P.S. While I generally don’t worry about the trade deficit/capital surplus, it can be a negative sign if foreigners are using the dollars they earn to buy government debt and prop up D.C.’s fiscal profligacy. But that’s the fault of Washington spending, not trade.

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I’m in Victoria, British Columbia today to talk about trade with some young Canadians.

In doing some research about how to present the best case for free trade and against protectionism, I found some excellent commentary on why trade deficits don’t matter.

Here are some excerpts from a column by Don Boudreaux, a professor at George Mason University.

…the president’s trade policies are dreadful; they’ll reduce U.S. economic growth and diminish Americans’ spending power. …No myth about trade is more widespread than is the belief that imports reduce domestic employment. …trade is a two-way street. Non-Americans sell stuff to Americans only to acquire the dollars needed buy American exports and to invest in the U.S. — and each of these activities creates other particular jobs in America to offset those that are destroyed. …The reason trade deficits don’t reduce overall employment is that, in fact, trade deficits are not really deficits at all. Every cent that does not return to the U.S. as demand for American exports returns instead as investment in America. In economists’ lingo: the trade deficit (or, to be precise, the current-account deficit) is matched by a capital-account surplus of equal size. …Why should we be upset if foreigners continue to think highly enough of our economy to want to invest here?

And here’s some of what Greg Mankiw of Harvard wrote for the New York Times.

…the president’s overall approach to international trade is so confused. …When Mr. Trump discusses our trade relations with another nation, he often points to the bilateral trade balance — the difference between the value of our exports to that nation and the value of our imports from it. If imports exceed exports, we are running a bilateral trade deficit, which Mr. Trump interprets as a sign that we are the relationship’s losers. …consider some of the many bilateral trade deficits that I run. Whenever my family goes out to dinner, the restaurateur gets some money, and we get a meal. In economics parlance, the Mankiw family runs a trade deficit with that restaurant. But that doesn’t make us losers. …I can run persistent trade deficits with restaurants because I run trade surpluses elsewhere. Take The New York Times, for instance. It pays me more for my columns than I pay it for my subscription. That’s a bilateral trade surplus for me and a bilateral trade deficit for The Times. But nonetheless, we both gain.

I tried to incorporate these insights into my presentation, which has more than 30 slides.

Here are the ones that deal with the trade deficit, starting with some elementary observations.

I then pointed out that all of us have trade deficits in our daily lives.

Yet we understand this doesn’t hurt us.

Using trade with China as an example, I explain that money we send overseas only has value because foreigners can use it to purchase things in America.

Including investments.

And I recycled this chart from a column back in March.

For what it’s worth, understanding that a trade deficit is merely the flip side of a financial surplus is the key to recognizing that trade deficits (generally) don’t matter.

I’ll close with an important caveat.

I’m a big fan of foreign investment in the U.S. economy. Indeed, it’s one of the reasons why I’m happy America is a tax haven for citizens of other countries.

That being said, not all inbound investment is created equal. I’m delighted when foreigners buy stock and bond. I’m very happy when they make direct investments (one of the reasons I like the EB-5 visa program).

It’s not good news for our economy, though, when foreigners buy government bonds. But that’s the fault of our ever-expanding welfare state, not trade.

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When Trump imposes protectionist trade barriers, he doesn’t realize that the harm imposed on other nations is matched by damage to the U.S. economy.

As I warn in this interview, something similar could happen if the federal government convinces other nations to reject the dollar because they no longer want to acquiesce to the extraterritorial imposition of U.S. laws.

This is a wonky issue, but the bottom line is that the United States benefits enormously because the rest of the world uses the dollar.

The best article I can recommend was published earlier this year by the Cayman Financial Review. It’s a good tutorial on the issue and it explains why the United States enjoys an “exorbitant privilege” because the dollar is the world’s reserve currency.

A reserve currency is a currency that governments hold in their foreign exchange reserves to settle international claims and intervene in foreign exchange markets. …Governments overwhelmingly choose one currency – the U.S. dollar… U.S. dollar-denominated assets comprised 63.79 percent of disclosed foreign exchange reserves… The Bank for International Settlements (BIS) reported that 88 percent of all foreign exchange transactions in 2016 involve the U.S. dollar on one side. …In 2014, 51.9 percent of international trade by value and 49.4 percent of international trade by volume of transactions were invoiced in U.S. dollars. …Major internationally traded commodities such as oil are priced in U.S. dollars. …The status of the U.S. dollar as the world’s reserve currency and the resulting foreign demand for U.S. dollars creates what French Finance Minister Valéry Giscard d’Estaing described in 1965 as an “exorbitant privilege” for the United States. …While difficult to measure, empirical studies suggest the privilege is worth about ½ percent of U.S. GDP (or roughly $100 billion) in a normal year.

And Peter Coy’s column for Bloomberg does a good job of explaining why the rest of the world is tempted to abandon the dollar.

America’s currency makes up two-thirds of international debt and a like share of global reserve holdings. Oil and gold are priced in dollars, not euros or yen. …threats to be cut off from the dollar-based global payments system strike terror into the likes of Iran, North Korea, and Russia. …Political leaders who once accepted the dollar’s hegemony, grudgingly or otherwise, are pushing back. …In March, China challenged the dollar’s dominance in the global energy markets with a yuan-denominated crude oil futures contract. …French Finance Minister Bruno Le Maire told reporters in August that he wants financing instruments that are “totally independent” of the U.S. …This disturbance in the force isn’t good news for the U.S. …As it is now, when trouble breaks out, investors flood into U.S. markets seeking refuge, oddly enough even when the U.S. itself is the source of the problem, as it was in last decade’s global financial crisis. …The most immediate risk to the dollar is that the U.S. will overplay its hand on financial sanctions, particularly those against Iran and countries that do business with Iran. …European leaders, in response to what they perceive as an infringement on their sovereignty, are openly working on a payments system that would enable their companies to do business with Iran without getting snagged by the U.S. Treasury Department and its powerful Office of Foreign Assets Control. …dissatisfaction with the dollar’s dominance…is only mounting. …Lew said in 2016, “the more we condition use of the dollar and our financial system on adherence to U.S. foreign policy, the more the risk of migration to other currencies and other financial systems in the medium term grows.”

Here’s some of what I said on the issue of sanctions in a different interview.

But notice that it’s not just sanctions.

The rest of the world is irritated by FATCA and other aspects of extraterritorial taxation.

Other nations also are irked by the pointless imposition of “know your customer” rules and other anti-money laundering policies that impose heavy costs without having any impact on actual criminal behavior.

Anyhow, let’s review some additional analysis, starting with this editorial from the Wall Street Journal.

More than any recent U.S. President, Mr. Trump is willing to use economic leverage for coercive diplomacy. He’s now targeting Turkey… Turkey is vulnerable because of Mr. Erdogan’s economic mismanagement. In the runup to June elections, he blew out the fisc on entitlements and public works. …As tempting as sanctions often are, they should be used sparingly and against the right targets. They make sense against genuine rogue states like Iran and North Korea, as well as to show Vladimir Putin that there are costs… But sanctions against allies should be used only in rare cases. They would also be less risky if they weren’t piled on top of Mr. Trump’s tariff war. …If Mr. Trump is determined to use coercive economic diplomacy, including tariffs and sanctions, then the Treasury will have to be ready to deal with the collateral financial damage.

Writing for Real Money, Mike Norman is very worried.

The United States is increasingly using sanctions as a form of warfare. …It’s a form of soft warfare that targets a country’s economy and its ability to transact business and safeguard its financial wealth in today’s dollar-based economy. Do you know what the result of these sanctions will be? The dollar will get crushed. Something like 80% of all international transactions take place in dollars. The global financial system rests on a dollar architecture. That includes funds transfer, clearing, payments, etc. …How long do you think the rest of the world will operate under such a risk? A risk that at any moment if you fall out of favor with the fools in Washington your entire economy and lifeline to the world’s financial system can be shut down? That is too much risk. No country and no citizen wants that risk hanging over them.

Professor Barry Eichengreen expresses similar concerns in a column for Project Syndicate.

…the Trump administration is eroding the dollar’s global role. Having unilaterally reimposed sanctions on Iran, it is threatening to penalize companies doing business with the Islamic Republic by denying them access to US banks. The threat is serious because US banks are the main source of dollars used in cross-border transactions. …In response to the Trump administration’s stance, Germany, France, and Britain, together with Russia and China, have announced plans to circumvent the dollar, US banks, and US government scrutiny. …This doesn’t mean that foreign banks and companies will shun the dollar entirely. US financial markets are large and liquid and are likely to remain so. US banks operate globally. …But in an era of US unilateralism, they will want to hedge their bets. …there will be less reason for central banks to hold dollars in order to intervene in the foreign exchange market and stabilize the local currency against the greenback. …In threatening to punish Europe and China, Trump is, ironically, helping them to achieve their goals. Moreover, Trump is squandering US leverage.

And Michael Maharrey elaborates on the warning signs in a column for FEE.

…the U.S….weaponizes the U.S. dollar, using its economic dominance as both a carrot and a stick. …”enemies” can find themselves locked out of the global financial system, which the U.S. effectively controls using the dollar. …It utilizes the international payment system known as SWIFT…the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication. …SWIFT and dollar dominance give the U.S. a great deal of leverage over other countries. …China, Russia, and Iran, have taken steps to limit their dependence on the dollar and have even been working to establish alternative payment systems. A growing number of central banks have been buying gold as a way to diversify their holdings away from the greenback. …even traditional U.S. allies have grown weary of American economic bullying. On Sept. 24, the E.U. announced its plans to create a special payment channel to circumvent U.S. economic sanctions… De-dollarization of the world economy would likely perpetuate a currency crisis in the United States, and it appears a movement to dethrone the dollar is gaining steam.

All of the above articles could be considered the bad news.

So I’ll share one small bit of good news from Coy’s column. The one thing that may save the dollar is that there aren’t any good alternatives.

The best thing the dollar has going for it is that its challengers are weak. The euro represents a monetary union… Italy’s recent woes are only the latest challenge to the euro zone’s durability. China is another pretender to the throne. But China’s undemocratic leadership is wary of the openness to global trade and capital flows that having a widely used currency requires.

I agree. Indeed, I wrote way back in 2010 and 2011 that the euro lost a lot of credibility when the European Central Bank surrendered its independence and took part in the bailouts of Europe’s welfare states.

So why jump from the dollar to the euro, especially since Europe will be convulsed by additional fiscal crises when the next recession occurs?

That being said, the moral of today’s column is that the crowd in Washington shouldn’t be undermining the attractiveness of the dollar. Here’s a chart to give you some idea of what’s been happening.

P.S. I want to close with a point about trade deficits. It turns out that being the world’s reserve currency requires a trade deficit. That was explained in the Cayman Financial Review column.

A significant part of the U.S. current account deficit and the U.S. trade deficit (whether measured as goods and services or as goods only) is attributable to the U.S. dollar’s status as the world’s reserve currency. Even if every country in the world were to practice free trade and not to engage in any currency manipulation, the United States would still record persistent current account deficits so long as the U.S. dollar remains the world’s reserve currency.

Likewise, here’s the relevant portion from the Real Money column.

Since most of of the world’s commerce is denominated in dollars and because oil was priced in dollars, it necessitated that the rest of the world ran trade surpluses with the U.S. in order to get dollars. Therefore, our trade deficits were an expression of high demand for dollars, not vice-versa. …We never understood, or at least our policy makers never understood, that we had the better part of the deal. When the rest of the world labors for low wages to build finished goods that they send to us for our paper currency, that is a benefit to us, not a cost.

Last but not least, here are excerpts from Peter Coy’s column.

…for the U.S. to supply dollars to the rest of the world, it must run trade deficits. Trading partners stash the dollars they earn from exports in their reserve accounts instead of spending them on American goods and services. …the U.S. gets what amounts to a permanent, interest-free loan from the rest of the world when dollars are held outside the U.S. As Eichengreen points out, it costs only a few cents for the U.S. Bureau of Engraving and Printing to produce a $100 bill, but other countries have to pony up $100 worth of actual goods and services to obtain one.

I share all these excerpts to reinforce my oft-made point that there is nothing wrong with a trade deficit. Not only does it represent a financial surplus (formerly known, and still often referred to, as a capital surplus), it also reflects the benefit the U.S. enjoys from having the dollar as a reserve currency.

P.P.S. This issue also reinforces my oft-made point that laws should not extend beyond borders.

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I don’t want to write about Trump’s new NAFTA deal (which now has the clunky acronym of USMCA), largely because not much changed since the partial deal with Mexico was unveiled.

Also, it’s hard to get too worked up about the new agreement since it largely tinkers with the status quo. And since I was a fan of NAFTA, I’m relieved Trump didn’t eviscerate that pact.

But several experts have produced very good summaries, which means I can be lazy and share their good work.

Let’s start with Jeffrey Schott of the Peterson Institute, who is underwhelmed by the revised NAFTA.

NAFTA’s benefits had always been primarily through the strengthening of economic integration of the three economies. Contrary to President Trump’s claims, the new pact moves backwards in this critical regard and imposes new restrictions that will impede regional trade and investment, stifling the potential for economic growth. On autos, the deal is innovative in a perverse way: It is the first free trade agreement (FTA) negotiated by the United States that raises rather than lowers barriers to trade and investment. It adds layer upon layer of costly new regulations that producers must follow to qualify for NAFTA’s low tariffs—layers virtually certain to drive up costs of autos for consumers and very likely reduce US jobs in the auto sector. …these steps add up to a step backwards on trade and investment in the United States and the region as a whole that, while not as damaging as it could have been, will do little or nothing to help workers, consumers, and the economies of North America.

Veronique de Rugy of the Mercatus Center is similarly dour, though thankful that the deal isn’t as bad as Trump wanted.

…the Trump administration gave up on its worst demands, including one for a minimum of 50 percent mandatory U.S. content to benefit from the new NAFTA duty-free treatment, a ban on student visas for Chinese nationals and an every-five-year sunset clause. If the U.S. hadn’t dropped these poison pills, I doubt we would have had this new deal. Let’s all be grateful for the willingness to compromise on the part of the U.S. trade negotiators. …in spite of the tiny trade-liberalization measures in the deal, tariffs overall remain significantly higher than they were before president Trump started “negotiating.” …The auto section of the deal is not as bad as what the Trump administration had hoped for, but it is still really ugly. For automobiles to enter the U.S. duty-free from North America, at least 75 percent of their content must originate in the U.S., Mexico, and Canada, up from the current 62.5 percent. It doesn’t take a rocket scientist to understand that this requirement will increase the price that Americans pay.

Ryan Young of the Competitive Enterprise Institute piles on.

Given the Trump administration’s emphasis on government-managed trade, it could have been much worse. Now President Trump can claim a political victory and hopefully turn his attention to non-trade issues, while actual trade policy remains mostly unchanged. …The 1,812-page agreement leaves intact the mostly tariff-free relationship between the U.S., Canada, and Mexico. It even has a few improvements, such as a slight liberalization of Canada’s dairy policy. U.S. agriculture policy will remain heavily subsidized and insulated from competition, however. Among the downsides are new wage and country-of-origin rules that will make cars more expensive… Also troubling is a general NAFTA/USMCA ethos under which some countries determine other countries’ regulatory policies for them. This is generally due to trade-unrelated policies in trade agreements, mostly on labor, environmental, and intellectual property issues. …In short, NAFTA has a new name, but it’s still NAFTA. …a major bullet has been dodged between America and two of its largest trading partners. That the Trump administration is calling it a victory means that a major economic loss has been avoided for the time being. It would have been better to leave well enough alone, but under the circumstances, this may be about the best possible outcome.

Simon Lester and Inu Manak grade the new deal, citing good news on agriculture and bad news on labor regulation and autos.

In terms of liberalization in the USMCA, the most important component is the liberalization of Canadian agriculture imports, such as dairy products, eggs, wheat, poultry, and wine. Dairy market access was a key concern for the United States, which has long complained about Canada’s strict supply management and quota system. …In addition, Canada agreed to give up a pricing system for certain types of milk, as well as expanding the U.S. quota for chicken, eggs, and turkey. …The labor rights provisions go further than past U.S. trade agreements. For some people on the left, this could offer a reason to support the agreement. If you are skeptical about including labor provisions in trade agreements, as we are, this is a negative aspect to the agreement. …The new rules of origin are extremely restrictive, raising costs for auto production in North America. This could lead to more production being done outside of North America, or higher costs for consumers. This is the most negative part of the new agreement.

Speaking of all the new command-and-control regulation in the USMCA, this tweet from Scott Linicome sums up one of the great ironies of the NAFTA revision.

William Reinsch of the Center for Strategic and International Studies adds his two cents, mostly noting that we’re lucky Trump didn’t make things that much worse (a common theme from all the experts).

It is somewhat comforting to see that one of the worst things you can say about U.S.-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA) is that the new trade agreement replaces a term that everyone knows and can say with an unpronounceable acronym. …the business communities in all three countries dodged a serious bullet. …no one had to swallow many of the so-called poison pills. …The fact that many of its efforts to build an economic wall around the United States did not make it to the finish line is also good news, although the Canadians and Mexicans probably deserve more credit for that than our administration does.

Let’s close with some optimism. Dalibor Rohac of the American Enterprise Institute writes for CapX that the new pact shows that Trump’s protectionist instincts can be sidetracked.

…considering the range of possible outcomes, a sigh of relief is in order. President Trump’s zero-sum view of the world and his penchant for grand gestures and publicity stunts created a real risk that NAFTA – one of the great successes of trade liberalisation around the world – would follow the fate of other agreements from which his administration decided to withdraw. Forcing higher wages and labour protection standards on a relatively poor country such as Mexico will have unintended consequences, but that is likely an acceptable price for keeping trade in North America tariff-free. …USMCA shows how President Trump’s protectionism can be constrained by other world leaders: by letting the US President score easy headline-grabbing victories, which will allow him to claim that he has ‘fixed’ previously ‘horrible’ trade deals, while leaving the substance of policies mostly unchanged.

Needless to say, this doesn’t cast Trump in a positive light.

I’ll close by restating a point I made in August about, “The process of NAFTA began under Reagan, negotiations finished under the first President Bush…, and the pact was approved under Clinton.”

And American workers were beneficiaries, though Trump put 1.8 million jobs at risk by threatening to deep six that achievement.

Thankfully, it looks like NAFTA will largely survive Trump.

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