I’m a big fan of fiscal data.
In part this is because I’m a policy wonk, but I also like budget numbers because they generally provide strong evidence for my philosophical belief in small government and spending restraint.
For instance, I enjoy sharing my table showing nations that have experienced great success with multi-year limits on spending growth, particularly since I enjoy putting my leftist friends in an uncomfortable position by asking them for a similar list of countries that have made progress by raising taxes (hint: that’s called the null set).
Given my affinity for budget data, I was excited to learn that the Joint Economic Committee (JEC) just released “An Economic History of Federal Spending and Debt.”
This new publication is filled with fiscal information starting in the late 1700s.
To give you an indication, check out this chart which, in one fell swoop, provides more than 200 years of data on spending, revenue, and debt, along with information on major wars and economic dislocations.
Since that’s an intimidating amount of information, I thought it might be a good idea to break out the most important set of numbers in that chart.
But I warn you that I’m not about to share good news. This chart shows how peacetime federal spending dramatically expanded during the 20th century.
Since I’ve already decided that data on dependency in Denmark was the most depressing powerpoint slide in the world, I guess we’ll call this the most tragic chart in the world.
Especially since it symbolizes a very unfortunate change in the attitude about the proper role of the federal government.
A progressive philosophical shift in federal spending began under President Woodrow Wilson. …George Will—writing on Wilson’s underlying philosophy—succinctly contrasted Wilson with James Madison by noting, “Wilsonian government, meaning (in Wilson’s words) government with ‘unstinted power,’ is hostile to Madison’s Constitution, which, Madison said, obliges government ‘to control itself.’”
In other words, the left decided that government was a force for progress rather than a threat to liberty, so they wanted to undermine the Constitution’s limits on the federal government.
And once the Supreme Court acquiesced to this perversion of the Constitution’s clear intent, any limits of federal power were swept away (evinced most recently by John Roberts’ tortured Obamacare decision).
And if you want to feel even sadder, check out the projections showing that America will become Greece in the absence of genuine entitlement reform.
Here’s a table from the JEC report that shows how bad attitudes, bad jurisprudence, and bad policy have led to a dramatic expansion in the burden of government spending. The most important column, which I’ve circled, shows that we used to have a very small federal government that consumed, on average, less than 3 percent of economic output. But now we have a Leviathan that diverts more than 20 percent of GDP to Washington programs.
The report isn’t just numbers. There’s also some very useful analysis.
For instance, it notes that FDR’s New Deal did not work (as I’ve repeatedly explained, though it also should have acknowledged that Hoover made the same mistakes).
On balance, empirical research provides little support for the contention that President Franklin D. Roosevelt’s Keynesian policies helped to pull the United States out of the Great Depression.
It also makes important points about the economic impact of government spending.
While more spending and a bigger federal government can mean more federal jobs, these jobs come at the expense of private sector resources, meaning fewer private sector jobs and lost economic opportunities. …there is an inverse relationship between federal spending and private payroll employment.
And it echoes arguments that I’ve made about the progress that was achieved during the Clinton years.
…though spending increased in real dollar terms during this period, as a percent of the economy, spending actually declined. In FY1995, non-interest mandatory spending equaled 9.75 percent of GDP and discretionary spending equaled 7.19 percent of GDP. In spite of the spending increases, by FY2001, mandatory spending amounted to only 9.56 percent of GDP and discretionary spending amounted to only 6.16 percent of GDP.
Perhaps most important, the study endorses Mitchell’s Golden Rule!
…a politically viable path to a balanced budget and fiscal stability: Restrain the growth in federal spending below the rate of economic growth, and a sustainable fiscal environment will follow.
Last but not least, it endorses a spending cap modeled after the Swiss Debt Brake.
The ideal base for a spending cap would be similar to a GDP-cap, but it would provide greater spending restraint in economic booms and greater flexibility in economic downturns. Fortunately, such a measurement, which helps to smooth the business cycle, does exist: Potential GDP. …basing a spending cap on potential GDP is very helpful for budgeting purposes, as it creates a more predictable budget path over an extended period of time.
There is a lot of additional information in the JEC report, so if you have any interest in America’s fiscal history, it’s worth your time to read the whole thing.
P.S. Other developed nations basically have made the same fiscal mistake as the United States. Nations in Western Europe and Japan also used to have very small governments. Once the welfare state began, however, economic liberty morphed into bloated welfare states.
[…] I’ll preemptively note that the United States in the 1800s is not a good example. The U.S. economy did well during that century, but it was because of policies such as no income tax and no welfare state. […]
[…] I’ll preemptively note that the United States in the 1800s is not a good example. The U.S. economy did well during that century, but it was because of policies such as no income tax and no welfare state. […]
[…] If we ever bring the spending burden back down to 24.3 percent of economic output, we can then figure out whether the ultimate goal is even lower (as it was for much of America’s history). […]
[…] If we ever bring the spending burden back down to 24.3 percent of economic output, we can then figure out whether the ultimate goal is even lower (as it was for much of America’s history). […]
[…] If we ever bring the spending burden back down to 24.3 percent of economic output, we can then figure out whether the ultimate goal is even lower (as it was for much of America’s history). […]
[…] She claims that nations such as Singapore are the role model. Or even the United States in the 1800s. […]
[…] That also happens to the world envisioned by America’s Founders (and the reality Americans enjoyed up until the […]
[…] That also happens to the world envisioned by America’s Founders (and the reality Americans enjoyed up until the […]
[…] convention, similar to the meeting back in 1787 (though it’s unclear whether we have people like James Madison and Alexander […]
[…] convention, similar to the meeting back in 1787 (though it’s unclear whether we have people like James Madison and Alexander […]
[…] convention, similar to the meeting back in 1787 (though it’s unclear whether we have people like James Madison and Alexander […]
[…] convention, similar to the meeting back in 1787 (though it’s unclear whether we have people like James Madison and Alexander […]
[…] similar to the meeting back in 1787 (though it’s unclear whether we have people like James Madison and Alexander Hamilton […]
[…] By the way, the $1.5 billion-plus reduction from 1921 to 1922 may not sound like much, but it was a 30 percent reduction in the size of government (and this was back in the days when government was a relatively small burden). […]
[…] By the way, the $1.5 billion-plus reduction from 1921 to 1922 may not sound like much, but it was a 30 percent reduction in the size of government (and this was back in the days when government was a relatively small burden). […]
[…] By the way, the $1.5 billion-plus reduction from 1921 to 1922 may not sound like much, but it was a 30 percent reduction in the size of government (and this was back in the days when government was a relatively small burden). […]
[…] to say, that means tax rates (and spending burdens) far lower than […]
[…] By the way, the $1.5 billion-plus reduction from 1921 to 1922 may not sound like much, but it was a 30 percent reduction in the size of government (and this was back in the days when government was a relatively small burden). […]
[…] true for the United States. And it’s true for Western […]
[…] true for the United States. And it’s true for Western […]
[…] It’s instructive to note, for instance, that the United States evolved from agricultural poverty to middle-class prosperity in the 1800s– during a time when the burden of government spending was trivially small. […]
[…] It’s instructive to note, for instance, that the United States evolved from agricultural poverty to middle-class prosperity in the 1800s – during a time when the burden of government spending was trivially small. […]
[…] perfect-world answer is that there should be no tax on profits because we have a government that is so small that there’s no need for any type of income tax. But I’m in the United States rather than a […]
[…] column. My perfect-world answer is that there should be no tax on profits because we have a government that is so small that there’s no need for any type of income tax. But I’m in the United States rather than a […]
[…] perfect-world answer is that there should be no tax on profits because we have a government that is so small that there’s no need for any type of income tax. But I’m in the United States rather […]
[…] The ideal fiscal goal should be reducing the size of government, ideally down to the level envisioned by America’s Founders. […]
[…] The ideal fiscal goal should be reducing the size of government, ideally down to the level envisioned by America’s Founders. […]
[…] The ideal fiscal goal should be reducing the size of government, ideally down to the level envisioned by America’s Founders. […]
[…] that America’s Founders created a very small central government that operated for more than 100 yearswithout any income tax (or any other broad-based […]
[…] By the Numbers: America’s Unfortunate Fiscal Evolution from Madisonian Constitutionalism to Wilson… […]
[…] public good. And for much of America’s history, at least prior to the 1930s, Washington was only a tiny burden because it was only involved in a few areas, such as national […]
[…] in the presidential Hall of Shame because his administration was a turning point in America’s tragic evolution from Madisonian constitutionalism to modern […]
[…] the fiscal history of the United States is a sad story about the loss of almost all constraints and limits that America’s Founders […]
[…] the fiscal history of the United States. For much of American history, the federal government was trivially small. Most spending happened at the state and local […]
[…] hesitant to give a definitive answer, in part because Nixon was so terrible. More important, the wretched track record of Woodrow Wilson (creator of the income tax and Federal Reserve, as well as an odious racist) […]
[…] much of American history, the central government in Washington was very small, as envisioned by the Founders. But beginning with the so-called Progressive Era and then […]
[…] goods that help an economy flourish. That being said, things like courts and national defense can easily be financed without any income […]
[…] limits on enumerated powers were still a guiding principle for fiscal policy. Sadly, the days of Madisonian constitutionalism are long […]
[…] de intervención gubernamental limitada, el gasto gubernamental solo representó menos del 3 por ciento de la producción económica total, muy lejos de la actual bomba de tiempo fiscal en […]
[…] this period of limited government intervention, government spending only accounted for less than 3 percent of total economic output, a far cry from today’s fiscal time bomb in […]
[…] this period of limited government intervention, government spending only accounted for less than 3 percent of total economic output, a far cry from today’s fiscal time bomb in […]
[…] semi-dream world is a flat tax. My dream world is when the federal government is so small (as America’s Founders envisioned) that there’s no need for any broad-based […]
[…] since the central government back then was very small, as the Founders envisioned, the first tariff was only 5 percent and it applied equally to all […]
[…] federal government was very small, with the budget consuming on average less than 3 percent of the economy’s […]
[…] if “victory” is restoring the kind of limited government envisioned by the Founding Fathers, then there’s a 99.99 percent chance all my efforts will be […]
[…] want “large cuts” in government. I would like to go back to what America’s Founders envisioned, with a very tiny central […]
[…] my libertarian fantasy world, we would return to the limited government created by the Founding Fathers, thus eliminating the need for any broad-based […]
[…] as I wrote last month, a modest tariff to fund a very small central government (as all the Founders preferred) would be a great improvement over what we have […]
It would be interesting to see a graph of inflation added to the “Federal Spending, Revenue & Public Debt” graph
[…] my libertarian fantasy world, we would return to the limited government created by the Founding Fathers, thus eliminating the need for any broad-based […]
[…] can prosper if the public sector is very small. And Brian is right that the federal government used to be only a tiny burden in the United […]
[…] United States and other western nations became rich during the 1800s thanks to a combination of rule of law and […]
[…] that America’s Founders created a very small central government that operated for more than 100 years without any income tax (or any other broad-based tax), […]
[…] that America’s Founders created a very small central government that operated for more than 100 years without any income tax (or any other broad-based tax), […]
[…] have an even bigger fantasy of shrinking the size and scope of the federal government to what America’s Founders intended, in which case Washington wouldn’t need any broad-based […]
[…] my fantasy world, I want a return to the very small federal government created and envisioned by the Founding Fathers. In the real world, I simply hope for a modest bit of spending restraint. […]
[…] my fantasy world, I want a return to the very small federal government created and envisioned by the Founding Fathers. In the real world, I simply hope for a modest bit of spending restraint. […]
[…] is right, of course. The burden of federal spending is the problem whether looking at pre-World War II data or post-World War II […]
[…] is right, of course. The burden of federal spending is the problem whether looking at pre-World War II data or post-World War II […]
[…] the federal budget is twice as big today as it was during the Reagan years (and it’s huge compared to its size for much of America’s […]
[…] World: A central government so small (like the Founders envisioned) that we don’t need any broad-based tax. In other words, we can […]
[…] we can somehow restore the kind of limited government envisioned by America’s Founders, the dream of no income tax could become a reality once […]
[…] spent that much time looking at how we got to where we are today, other than in 2015 when I cited a very interesting report from the Joint Economic Committee that provided decade-by-decade data on changes in the burden of […]
[…] discussed the Rahn Curve and cited the data showing that the federal government was a very tiny burden for much of America’s […]
[…] But that means pursuing a fiscal policy consistent with America’s founding principles. […]
[…] answer, at least in part, is that the United States had a very tiny government. Government spending consumed at most 10 percent of economic output, with most of that spending at […]
[…] I certainly had lots of interesting discussions about this concept while in grad school), but given what’s been happening over the past 100 years, I doubt this will be a practical option in my […]
[…] look at some historical budget data to understand how truly lucky the nation was during Cleveland’s era. During the 1880s, in his […]
[…] look at some historical budget data to understand how truly lucky the nation was during Cleveland’s era. During the 1880s, in his […]
[…] the top left quadrant, we have the United States in the late 1800s, which is when we had a public sector that was significantly smaller than what Hong Kong has today. Heck, nations such as France and Sweden also had very small […]
[…] the top left quadrant, we have the United States in the late 1800s, which is when we had a public sector that was significantly smaller than what Hong Kong has today. Heck, nations such as France and Sweden also had very small […]
[…] much of our nation’s history, federal outlays consumed less than 3 percent of economic output. The burden of Washington spending today, by contrast, amounts to more than 20 percent of GDP. And […]
[…] much of our nation’s history, federal outlays consumed less than 3 percent of economic output. The burden of Washington spending today, by contrast, amounts to more than 20 percent of GDP. And […]
[…] My fantasy proposal is to have no income tax, or any broad-based tax, because we shrink the federal government to less than 5 percent of economic output (which is what existed for much of our nation’s history). […]
[…] for zero corruption. There doubtlessly was corruption in the 1700s and 1800s when Washington was just a tiny fraction of its current size. But it’s a matter of scale. A smaller government means less opportunity for […]
Doug, I know the feeling. After almost two years working on my book about the European economy, with several peers and proof readers finding errors after I thought I was done, I still found two irritating typos in the printed final product…
The argument for the virtue of spending in the Great Depression is merely “in the 1930’s government spent a lot more, and the Depression eventually ended”.
The argument for current government “stmulus” and huge spending is this: “in the 1930’s government spent a lot more, and the Great Depression eventually ended”.
We have a message from the past about the usefulness of borrowing and spending:
Henry Morgenthau Jr. was Franklyn Roosevelt’s Treasury Secretary in 1939:
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We have tried spending money. We are spending more than we have ever spent before and it does not work. I say, after eight years of this administration, we have just as much unemployment as when we started, and an enormous debt to boot!
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Easy Opinions – Stimulus does not cure recessions
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Stimulus is like throwing a party to cheer up from losing your job. It delays finding a job and uses up your savings.
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[…] is how Dan Mitchell describes America’s fiscal evolution, as chronicled in a new report by the Joint Economic […]
Sven, good catch. U.S. Population growth in the decade of the 1990s was 11.9%–not 111.9%. (Population growth for the period in the paper’s other table is correct. I’m sure this isolated typo in the decades table will be corrected in the next few days.)
Excellent analysis, Dan! That’s why you are one of the most popular writers we have on People’s Pundit. Great job, really. Sad, but very worth the read.
Nice. Just one question: did the U.S. population really grow by 112 percent in the 1990s?
We have gone from a nation of appreciation and gratitude to a nation of whining, complaining and ingratitude. In other words, we have abandoned the way of the winner and embraced the way of the loser. Never have so many had so much and been less grateful.
The way of the loser is now firmly established in the legislation and budget of the federal government and those of all fifty states. Good luck with that. Until this is reversed we can expect further struggle and hardship and eventual collapse.
Thanks for the info. I just LOVE sending factual data to news organizations, as well as my network of friends. I send these articles to the news anchors who face the camera, and lie to our faces re gov’t. stats, that, gee whiz, everything’s just hunky-dory with the state of our economy, and thus, our nation.