In the world of tax policy, big-picture issues such as tax reform can capture the public’s attention (should we junk the IRS, instance, and adopt a flat tax?).
People also get very interested if politicians are threatening to grab more of their money.
But many tax issues are tedious and boring, even if they involve important issues.
- Depreciation vs. expensing for new business investment.
- International tax rules and the choice of worldwide taxation vs territorial taxation.
- The debate on consumption-base taxation vs. Haig-Simons taxation.
Today, we’re going to discuss another one of the sleep-inducing tax issues – how to account for business losses.
This arcane issues has been attracting a bit of attention because the big coronavirus-driven emergency package included some changes to the tax treatment of such losses (making it easier to reduce overall tax liabilities by balancing losses in some years with profits in other years).
That upset two left-leaning members of Congress, Rep. Lloyd Doggett (D-TX) and Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse (D-RI), who editorialized in USA Today about the changes.
…tucked into its 880 pages were Republican-inserted tax provisions…that..allow certain investors…to cut their tax bills by shifting losses to prior tax years. …Large corporations were also authorized
to convert losses from two years before the pandemic into immediate tax refunds. Businesses with losses when the economy was growing are rewarded for poor management or adverse market conditions that had absolutely nothing to do with the pandemic. …let’s reverse the damage. We are offering legislation to unwind this massive tax giveaway, to recover the lost revenues… Giant special interest tax breaks were not needed before and certainly have no place during a pandemic.
Is this right? Did a handful of GOP politicians insert a special favor for their friends in the business community?
For what it’s worth, I’m sure the answer to both questions is yes. Politicians are a very self-interested group and I’m sure there were dozens of provisions in the legislation that qualified for that type of criticism.
I’m interested, however, in whether the provisions moved policy in the right direction or the wrong direction.
Kyle Pomerleau with the American Enterprise Institute explains why the changes were desirable.
The liberalized treatment of losses is not a bailout and does not provide special treatment of certain industries. Loss deductions are an essential part of a well-functioning income tax. Businesses typically make multi-year investments.
Those investments may lose money in some years make money in other years. The ability to either carry back losses to offset previous years’ taxes or carry forward losses to offset future taxes ensures that the tax system accurately measures income. Without loss deductions, a tax system would be biased against risky investment. …In the future, lawmakers should consider permanently liberalizing the treatment of losses.
Nicole Kaeding made similar arguments for the National Taxpayers Union.
The provision at hand, a loosening of net operating loss rules, isn’t cronyism. Instead, it reflects Congress’s priority of helping affected individuals and businesses weather our economic crisis by smoothing out “lumpy” tax burdens over time. Net operating losses (NOLs) are key features of the tax code.
Tax years, calendar years, and business profitability don’t always align. Net operating loss provisions help smooth profits and losses across tax years to ensure that businesses are taxed on their economic income, not an accounting byproduct. …many have argued that it made little sense for Congress to revise loss rules for 2018 and 2019, when the virus wasn’t a consideration. In the abstract, that concern makes sense but policymakers were concerned about providing immediate liquidity to firms. A 2020 NOL doesn’t help a firm until they file their 2020 tax return in 2021. But allowing carrybacks for 2018 or 2019 allows firms to access capital quickly by amending their previous returns and claiming a refund.
For what it’s worth, I addressed this topic back in 2016 because it became a controversy in that year’s presidential campaign.
I didn’t pretend to know whether Trump was doing the right thing or wrong thing with his tax returns, but I made the argument that a fair and neutral tax system should have carry-forward rules.
Indeed, the business side of the flat tax expressly includes such provisions.
For what it’s worth, households used to have the option for “income-averaging,” which basically meant they could lower their overall tax rate by spreading a spike in income over several years.
A difference between households and businesses, though, is that businesses can suffer losses, while the worst thing that happens to a household is when income drops to zero.
The bottom line is that income averaging for people would be a helpful provision in the tax code, but carry-forward rules for businesses are a necessary provision.
P.S. That last sentence assumes goal is a tax system that is designed to extract money while imposing the smallest-possible amount of damage on economic efficiency.
At the risk of stating the obvious, a simple and fair tax system is not the goal of most politicians. In public, they prefer using the tax code as a tool for class-war demagoguery, and in private, they use it as a vehicle for auctioning off special provisions to their cronies.
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That’s a worthy goal. But we’re not going to achieve it so long as we have a “progressive” income tax. This is easy to prove mathematically.
A tax system does damage economically to the extent (the value) of the work it prevents from happening by making it not worthwhile to the worker. This is the marginal tax rate (the tax rate on the last dollar earned, or on the next dollar the worker might have earned but chose not to).
The most efficient workers (those who produce the most value per hour) are those who earn the highest pre-tax income. Under a progressive tax, those are exactly the people who get taxed at the highest marginal rate, and thus who are most incentivized to refrain from working any harder.
Meanwhile, the average tax rate on all income, and thus the amount collected, is lower under the progressive tax than under a flat tax. So the economy is hurt more to produce less revenue. Of all systems we could have, that’s close to the pessimum.
I disagree. Expenses should be taken in the year they happen. Your policy encourages businesses to risk more than they should. If they could not average Expenses or income, they would be more cautious. I think that is a policy that is more effective over the long term.
Capital Cost Expensing – YES
Territorial Taxation – YES (Companies could deduct salaries, domestic supplies/services, and capital assets for exports.)
National Sales Tax – NO (We don’t need a totally new collection process)
To achieve the same result, the only deductions allowed would be those that already paid the Flat Tax: salaries, domestic supplies or services, and capital assets from domestic suppliers. Foreign expenses would not be deductible. As a result the corporate tax would cover the flat tax on foreign purchases.
Carry forward losses – YES (If your going to expense capital assets, you must have this provision)
Carry back profits – NO (If businesses cannot cover losses out of future profits, they should go out of business.)
Agree, almost
A Flat Tax by itself is a political loser, since the poor pay the same marginal rate as the rich.
Something like a UBI, must be included to make in effective tax rate progressive, in a smooth curve based on income.
Businesses could accurately withhold, so employees would no long have to file federal taxes.
That amount should be paid from what we ALREADY SPEND. Our means-tested safety-net should contribute $0.9T from $2.0T, and ALL DEDUCTIONS, for another $1.2T. A UBI set at the Federal Poverty Level for all citizens (thereby ending citizen financial poverty) would cost $2.4T.
That leaves us a little shy, but the savings in compliance time should easy gain us +2% in growth (these are our most productive citizens), to pay the difference.