If there was an award for the most dramatic political development of 2016, it would presumably be the election of Donald Trump.
If there was an award for the best policy reform of 2016, my vote would be the constitutional spending cap in Brazil.
If there was an award for the greatest outburst of sensibility in 2016, it would be the landslide vote in Switzerland against a government-guaranteed income.
But what about an award for the most compelling article of 2016? Well, we still have a few days left in the year, so it’s theoretically possible that I’ll change my mind, but as of today the award would go to my friend Deirdre McCloskey for her December 23 column in the New York Times.
She addresses the fundamental issue of whether policy should be designed to reduce poverty or increase equality. Here’s some of what she wrote.
Eliminating poverty is obviously good. And, happily, it is already happening on a global scale. …We need to finish the job. But will we really help the poor by focusing on inequality? …The Princeton philosopher Harry Frankfurt put it this way: “Economic equality is not, as such, of particular moral importance.” Instead we should lift up the poor… Another eminent philosopher, John Rawls of Harvard, articulated what he called the Difference Principle: If the entrepreneurship of a rich person made the poorest better off, then the higher income of the entrepreneur was justified.
But Deirdre doesn’t limit herself to philosophical arguments.
She looks at the practical issues, such as whether governments have the ability (or motives!) to correctly re-slice the economic pie.
A practical objection to focusing on economic equality is that we cannot actually achieve it, not in a big society, not in a just and sensible way. …Cutting down the tall poppies uses violence for the cut. And you need to know exactly which poppies to cut. Trusting a government of self-interested people to know how to redistribute ethically is naïve. Another problem is that the cutting reduces the size of the crop. We need to allow for rewards that tell the economy to increase the activity earning them. …An all-wise central plan could force the right people into the right jobs. But such a solution, like much of the case for a compelled equality, is violent and magical. The magic has been tried, in Stalin’s Russia and Mao’s China. So has the violence.
Deirdre notes that people sometimes are drawn to socialism, in part because of how we interact with family and friends.
But you can’t extrapolate those experiences to broader society.
Many of us share socialism in sentiment, if only because we grew up in loving families with Mom as the central planner. Sharing works just fine in a loving household. But it is not how grown-ups get stuff.
When redistributionist principles are imposed on broader society, bad things happen.
As a matter of arithmetic, expropriating the rich to give to the poor does not uplift the poor very much. …And redistribution works only once. You can’t expect the expropriated rich to show up for a second cutting. In a free society, they can move to Ireland or the Cayman Islands. And the wretched millionaires can hardly re-earn their millions next year if the state has taken most of the money.
In other words, you get a shrinking pie rather than a growing pie. As Tom Sowell also has observed, people don’t produce as much when the government seizes the fruits of their labor.
And in that kind of world, it’s theoretically possible that poor people will have a greater share, but they still wind up a smaller amount (moreover, in practice the government elite wind up with all the wealth).
So what’s the bottom line?
Deirdre cites South Korea as an example of a nation where poor people now enjoy much better lives thanks to growth, and she then asks readers the key question: Will the poor benefit more from the classical liberal principles of rule of law and free markets, or will they benefit more from coercive redistribution?
Her explanation is magnificent.
It is growth from exchange-tested betterment, not compelled or voluntary charity, that solves the problem of poverty. …Which do we want, a small one-time (though envy-and-anger-satisfying) extraction from the rich, or a free society of betterment, one that lifts up the poor by gigantic amounts? We had better focus directly on the equality that we actually want and can achieve, which is equality of social dignity and equality before the law. Liberal equality, as against the socialist equality of enforced redistribution, eliminates the worst of poverty. …To borrow from the heroes of my youth, Marx and Engels: Working people of all countries unite! You have nothing to lose but stagnation! Demand exchange-tested betterment in a liberal society. Some dare call it capitalism.
Glorious!
I’ve also addressed this issue, on multiple occasions, and I think the resolution of this growth-vs-redistribution debate may very well determine the future of our nation. So I don’t think it’s an exaggeration to say Deirdre’s column is the most important article of 2016.
[…] and here for my four-part series on poverty and inequality. Though what Deirdre wrote in 2016 may be even […]
[…] Click here, here, here, and here for my four-part series on poverty and inequality. Though what Deirdre wrote in 2016 may be even […]
[…] This analysis underscores my oft-made argument that inequality is irrelevant and that policy makers instead should have a […]
[…] This analysis underscores my oft-made argument that inequality is irrelevant and that policy makers instead should have a laser-like focus on […]
[…] shouldn’t be a surprise. I’ve shared lots of evidence (over and over and over again) showing that market-driven growth is the best way of helping low-income […]
[…] I wish the data went back to 1980, but even these partial numbers are a tremendous confirmation of the hypothesis that free markets are the best way of helping the poor. […]
[…] argued that faster growth is the only effective way to help the less […]
[…] periodically explain that pro-market policies are the best way of helping poor […]
[…] periodically explain that pro-market policies are the best way of helping poor […]
[…] repeatedly argued that faster growth is the only effective way of helping the less […]
[…] repeatedly argued that faster growth is the only effective way of helping the less […]
[…] Oxfam wants people to somehow conclude that billions of people are poor because those 8 people are rich. But that’s nonsense. […]
[…] since I care about the less fortunate, I have nothing for disdain for Semán’s assertion that Perón’s policies should be […]
[…] have Bono talk with her about how to genuinely help poor people. Heck, let’s sign her up for an economic history class with Deirdre […]
[…] I wish the data went back to 1980, but even these partial numbers are a tremendous confirmation of the hypothesis that free markets are the best way of helping the poor. […]
[…] I wish the data went back to 1980, but even these partial numbers are a tremendous confirmation of the hypothesis that free markets are the best way of helping the poor. […]
[…] onerous barriers that the tax system imposed on the economy. They understood – and this is critically important – that faster growth was the best way to help everyone in America, including the less […]
[…] written (many, many times) about how the best way to help the poor is to focus on economic growth rather than […]
[…] why there’s no substitute for economic growth if you really want to help the less […]
[…] why there’s no substitute for economic growth if you really want to help the less […]
[…] But I suppose I’ll go with either James Gwartney, since his work on Economic Freedom of the World is so valuable, or Deirdre McCloskey, who deserves praise for her books and other works. […]
[…] Oxfam wants people to somehow conclude that billions of people are poor because those 8 people are rich. But that’s nonsense. […]
Daniel, would you provide the specific article you are discussing? I’m sure this was just an oversight, perhaps in haste to get it out the door.
[…] Republished from Dan Mitchell’s blog. […]
[…] Republished from Dan Mitchell’s blog. […]
[…] https://danieljmitchell.wordpress.com/2016/12/28/the-sensible-way-to-help-the-poor-and-reduce-povert… […]
Reblogged this on Truth Is Power and commented:
“In other words, you get a shrinking pie rather than a growing pie. As Tom Sowell also has observed, people don’t produce as much when the government seizes the fruits of their labor.
And in that kind of world, it’s theoretically possible that poor people will have a greater share, but they still wind up a smaller amount (moreover, in practice the government elite wind up with all the wealth).”
Quick finite equality or infinite growth compounding in the future?
What will the voter-lemming choose?
The definition of poverty will keep shifting upwards as humanity continues its exponential prosperity growth. Therefore,
poverty, in the sense of inequality, will always exist.
Come to think of it, those countries who enforce equality, will be the ones in future poverty. If you are growing only one percent, in a world that is growing three to four times faster, the definition of poverty will catch up with you pretty fast.
The best way to help the poor and the economy would be to define parameters for a “Pay Me” app. Let the marketplace create and manage these apps. Let the marketplace determine how the cost of Pay Me apps are done — there’s lots of options that might be available to cover the cost of Pay Me apps… Direct pay, paid as a percent of money directed to some benefit program, etc, etc…
A Pay Me app would eliminate all the of employer hassles and red tape of employing someone. You connect via the app, enter hours and $/hr (or commission rate and gross), and the money gets transferred to the employee. No employer withholding, no FICA share, no L&I, no Unemployment by employer, no employer healthcare, etc, etc.. All these various ‘benefits’ are taken over by the app, and paid to the employee’s benefit program of choice (assuming there’s choices). What’s left over is the employees to spend as they wish… Ideally, there would be a simple sales tax on wages paid via APP (NO Income tax) and everyone just goes about their life…
So, when you want someone to mow your lawn, clean the house, prepare a meal, or whatever, you’d just find someone to do the job, pay them via the app, and everyone would get on with their lives…
IMHO, if it’s home (or living space) maintenance, child care, etc then that would be tax deductible from your tax bill (as an employer) , and the App would track that and make adjustments when the employer/homeowner/average) dufus got paid)…
In other words, take away all the BS red tape and paperwork that has made it increasing hard to employ people and bring all this employment BS into the modern age by letting a Pay Me app take care of that. Free society from all the BS employment red tape and hassles — make it dead simple one or two clicks and that’s it DONE…
There should also be checks and balances added that keep all the stuff that employees benefit from paid from the employee side of any labor exchange. No more piling more and more junk on employers, as if this sort of junk doesn’t really end up getting paid for by the employee anyways as lower wages….
A brilliant synopsis that captures the essence of her latest book “Bourgeois Equality.”
My favorite section from that book that is in line with the NYT article talks about the imperative to keep market-tested betterment as the only way to reduce poverty:
“The ideas of equality led to other social and political movements not uniformly adorable. Hannah Arendt remarked in 1951 that ‘equality of condition…is among the greatest and most uncertain ventures of modern mankind.’ Alexis de Tocqueville had said much the same a century earlier. And Scottish equality has a harsh, even tragic side. It entails equal reward for equal merit in a marketplace in which others, by freedom of contract, can also compete. As John Stuart Mill put it in On Liberty, ‘Society admits no right, either legal or moral, in the disappointed competitors to immunity from this kind of suffering; and feels called on to interfere only when means of success have been employed which it is contrary to the general interest to permit – namely, fraud or treachery, or force.’ Yet in the real world, unhappily, if the poor are to be raised up, there is no magic alternative to such competition. An ill-advised and undercapitalized pet store, into which the owner pours his soul, goes under. In the same neighborhood a little independent office for immediate health care opens half a block from a branch of the largest hospital chain in Chicago, and seems doomed to fail the test of voluntary trade. Although the testing of business ideas in voluntary trade is obviously necessary for betterment of the economy (as it is too by non-monetary tests for betterment in art and sport and science and scholarship), such failures are deeply sad if you have the slightest ,sympathy for human projects, or for humans. But at least the pet store, the clinic, the Edsel, Woolworth’s, Polaroid, and Pan American Airlines face the same democratic test by trade: Do customers keep coming forward voluntarily? Does real income rise?
We could all by state compulsion backed by the monopoly of violence remain in the same jobs as our ancestors, perpetually “protected,” though at $3 a day. Or, with taxes taken by additional state compulsion, we could subsidize new activities without regard to a test by voluntary trade, “creating jobs” as the anti-economic rhetoric has it. Aside even from their immediate effect of making national income lower than it could have been, perpetually, such ever-popular plans – never mind the objectionable character of the violent compulsion they require – seldom work in the long run for the welfare of the poor, or the rest of us. In view of the way a government of imperfect people actually behaves in practice, job “protection” and job “creation” often fail to achieve their gentle, generous purposes. The protections and the creations get diverted to favorites. Laws requiring minority or female businesses to be hired, for example, tend to yield phony businesses run in fact by male whites. In a society run by male whites or inherited lords or clan members or Communist Party officials, or even by voters not restricted by inconvenient voting times and picture IDs, the unequal and involuntary rewards generated by sidestepping the test of trade are seized by the privileged. The privileged are good at that.”
There are many additional examples for @comradeBrad here.
https://danieljmitchell.wordpress.com/2015/03/29/if-poor-nations-want-economic-convergence-and-capital-accumulation-they-need-good-policy/
Did you actually read the article, @comradeBrad? There was a link to the South Korea example.
https://danieljmitchell.wordpress.com/2011/12/19/the-brutal-impact-of-north-korean-statism/
The utopia of no redistribution and no progressivity is as unattainable as the liberal utopia of universal wealth distribution, even though the former is better economics.
The question is how to move from where we are now in the direction we want to go – smaller government, bigger economy, and reduced redistribution relative to the size of the economy.
Modifications to current welfare and Entitlement programs will lead to whack-a-mole frustration. Every one of hundreds of agencies will do their best to expand. Feeding children and helping children with horrible medical conditions will still tug at heart strings.
The entire system needs an overhaul, but it must provide a migration path away from where we are now.
A federal Unconditional Basic Income set at the poverty level for all citizens (regardless of income) will do the trick, shifting people from dependence to independence. If the states want to continue extravagant levels of support, let them pay for it.
Those currently receiving support would see no change, the working population would see current tax expenditures distributed evenly, rather than heavily benefitting the wealthy.
Show us a practical example in real life, please…